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In deference to the Lib Dems, we had an opportunity to change the electoral system a few years ago and voted overwhelmingly to keep the first past the post system.The proportional representation electoral system used in the EU Parliament elections did result in the election of a variety of MEP's in each multi-seat constituency but most of them are UKIP, Labour or Conservative. And it only allows us to vote for parties- and not individual candidates. Therefore MEP's are seen as representing the parties that selected them and put them at the top of their party list rather than their constituents. How many of us know the names of all the London MEP's ?When it comes down to it, UKIP has only two policies:1. Stop immigration and2. Take Britain out of the EU (which is necessary in order to stop immigration from the EU).These policies appeal to quite a few Labour voters - particularly in the North where UKIP did well - as well as to some Conservative voters and people who normally don't vote at all.I think that quite a few people lent their votes to UKIP last Thursday as a protest against immigration and the EU and to influence Labour and the Conservatives into taking a stronger line on this two issues.However General Elections are fought on a wider variety of issues- the economy, employment, unemployment, NHS, interest rates, housing, inflation, education, taxation, social welfare, policing, development aid, law and order, the record of the current Government, the effectiveness of the Opposition etc. UKIP seems to have very little to say on these issues.It will be interesting to see if UKIP will come up with a comprehensive manifesto covering all these issues between now and the General Election.

David Giles ● 4091d

So you took an exit poll, did some analysis and have concluded that UKIP's success is due to far right support.Well I think the following has a lot to do with UKIP's  success. These, by the way, are facts not analytical theorem.  2004: Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair says a referendum will be held on ratification of the European Constitution Treaty but does not name a date for the poll2005: Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats all promise a referendum on whether to ratify the EU Constitution in their general election manifestos. France and the Netherlands reject the proposal in referendums2006: The cross-party Better Off Out Group, seeking the UK's withdrawal from the EU, is launched2007: The European Commission proposes a replacement treaty, which comes to be known as the Lisbon Treaty. The Labour government says it is a different document, amending not overwriting existing treaties, and a referendum is not needed. Conservative leader David Cameron gives a "cast-iron guarantee" to hold a referendum on any treaty emerging from the Lisbon process if he becomes PM2008: Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg calls for an "in-out" referendum on UK membership of the EU. MPs reject a Conservative call for a referendum on whether the Lisbon Treaty should be ratified by 63 votes. 15 Labour MPs and 14 Lib Dems rebel against their parties2008: The UK ratifies the Lisbon Treaty. The High Court rejects calls for a judicial review of the decision by Tory MP Bill Cash and businessman Stuart Wheeler. They claim ratification without a referendum was illegal2009: David Cameron admits he will not be able to fulfil his pledge to hold a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty because it has been ratified by all EU member states. But he says, if elected, no future substantial transfer of powers will take place without the approval of the British people

Robert Ayres ● 4091d

"Where do you get these facts from"I found the London EP voting figures, entered them into a big spreadsheet of vote numbers and vote shares from 2009 and 2014 (plus overall shares going back to 1999) and did some analysis originally aimed at trying to determine whether London's UKIP voters were coming from disaffected Conservative or Labour voters or both, since that's the only thing that matters - if they're coming from the Conservatives Ed Miliband can start measuring for curtains, from both and he's got a big problem.  Believe me, a lot of party wonks and political observers will be doing the same thing soon, so I want my own source of data in case they start spouting BS.The first thing that jumped out of the borough vote share data was that big UKIP rises were often accompanied by big BNP falls, so I started analysing the BNP+UKIP vote, later expanding it to the English Democrats, although their vote share is a lot smaller and a lot less localised so doesn't really affect the maths much.For instance, Barking and Dagenham had one of the highest BNP vote shares in 2009, 19.4% with UKIP on 14.8%.  In 2014 the BNP got 2.5% and UKIP got 27.9%, the net gain being -3.8%, so what on the face of it looks like a brilliant UKIP triumph in a Labour borough probably isn't, they just inherited a big pile of Mr. Angries after the BNP collapsed.Conversely uber-Tory Bromley had the BNP on 5.5% in 2009 with UKIP on 18.9% and last week had the BNP on 0.66% with UKIP on 30.9% for a net gain of 7.1%, which probably is a brilliant UKIP triumph and people in blue rosettes need to ask where those 7.1% came from given that Labour's vote share was the only main party to rise in Bromley.  I bet a lot of them are Tories angry at Cameron and wanting to punch him in the face.As far as I know no one else has bothered doing any analysis like this yet, preferring the 'why the result supports my view' nonsense that comes out in the press and online in response to any election result."So if you want to make sense of UKIP's support look around at the ordinary people who have all woken up to the lies."I'd rather deal in the facts than the usual incoherent UKIP supporter ranting about 'socialists', thanks (you really think UKIP aren't lying?  OK, whatever).  The evidence I've dug up shows that UKIP gained big swings in London in areas with either high BNP votes in 2009 or in areas which traditionally vote in Conservative councils by large margins.  UKIP made insignificant gains in Labour voting areas with the exception of Barking and Dagenham which is creditably explained by the large BNP swing (Labour's vote share was 17.4% more, so UKIP voters didn't come from them).  That looks very like a right wing party with a mixture of right wing and far right voters.  The areas where UKIP did well, on every measure I've thought of so far (feel free to suggest any new ones), are always Havering, Bromley, Bexley and Sutton*, which aren't on anyone's list of areas Labour is going to do well in in the near future or needs to win in 2015's General Election.  Going back to my original thesis,  UKIP seems to be more of a danger to Conservative votes than Labour votes, in London at least.  If your thesis about 'ordinary people' holds up you need to explain why 'ordinary people' who've 'woken up to the lies' don't seem to live in Hackney or Newham or Brent or Lambeth or Ealing or Haringey...).[Hounslow, as you might expect for a Labour borough with a substantial BNP vote in 2009, is a bit below the line, BNP share down 4.3% and UKIP share up 5.6%.  Richmond, a Tory borough with a tiny BNP share in 2009, is above the line, BNP down 2%, UKIP up 6%.  Which one's got more 'ordinary people'?]* Sutton is quite a bizarre case, overwhelmingly Lib Dem council but UKIP came from third in 2009 to beat the Conservatives and Lib Dems in the Euros.  Labour are nowhere in the borough, so again the UKIP votes can't have come from them.  The other interesting one is Hillingdon where UKIP put 10% on its vote share enabling Labour (which put on 12.7%) to pip the Tories in the Euro vote despite a comfortable Conservative hold in the council.  Again, doesn't smell like UKIP taking votes from Labour there.

Thomas Barry ● 4091d

For me, there is a wider problem with having a party such as UKIP which is in it to be out of it - i.e. in Europe to be out of it. Yes, UKIP will be effective in expressing its displeasure at the whole system as well as rubbishing and ridiculing the whole system which is a typical (if not entertaining and pertinent) feature of Nigel Farage's speeches in Europe. But will they be best equipped to engage with the system (all be it for the period of time that we are in it)? Now, I am not pro-European by any stretch of the imagination but whilst we are in Europe, there will be matters regarding agriculture, product liability, advertising, food safety/labelling and a million other things which will be on the agenda and which may become Directives over the next four years. A party of UKIP's stance is not, judging from UKIP's political literature on the European Elections, in the best position to get us a good deal whilst we're in the system. What UKIP will do is say that it is rubbish and ridiculous that Brussels can dictate what the size of our bananas should be, for example(or whatever the issue may be), but  will then play no real part in the deeper discussion. Then laws will be passed which could have possibly been renegotiated, prevented or influenced differently had there been a more participative discussion by MEPs on the issues at hand beyond mere ridiculing. That participative debate/discussion is what you generally get with the Conservatives (and Labour to be fair) and I am not sure we will get it with UKIP and its MEPs. Let's wait and see.

Fadi Farhat ● 4091d